In my previous post on The 13th Warrior (1999, dir. John McTernan, based on the Michael Crichton novel, Eaters of the Dead), I looked at its relationship to its source material. In this post, I want to explore the costuming and props, specially the clothing and armor the characters are wearing, because I think it highlights something extremely important about historical films.
Let’s remember that the movie is set in the early 10th century; if they’re following Ibn Fadlan’s Risala, the events take place in 921 AD. That means the characters ought to be wearing armor and clothing that looks something like this:
Chainmail (if they were wealthy), round shields, and helmets something like the Valsgarde helmet or else a simple metal cap.
Ahmed (Antonio Banderas) is dressed for much of the early part of the film in black robes of a style that are intended to communicate his Arab identity, with a head band of silver beads. Later, he is given what looks to be an early medieval chainmail hauberk, with a chainmail coif (a separate hood), iron spaulders on his shoulders, and leather gauntlets with iron plates sewn onto them.
The other characters dress in styles the viewer is likely to read as European, and are groomed to appear stereotypically ‘Viking’—long hair, perhaps braided, and a shaggy beard, although a few have short hair and a close-trimmed beard. Two of them have modern Celtic-style tattoos on their face. Once they get to Scandinavia they are mostly wearing armor, although 2 of them are wearing kilts that won’t be invented for about 700 years.
Buliwyf wears a silvery steel breastplate with bronze details, spaulders, and besagews (round plates that hang down to cover his arm-pits. It seems like a nice, if cinematic, version of armor that could have been worn in the 15th or early 16th century. Over this he wears a cream-colored fur cape. In some scenes he (and another of the warriors) wears a version of the Valsgarde helmet, but without the chainmail face protection. This helmet dates approximately to the 6th century, but it’s not unreasonable to use it as a 10th century helmet.
Herger wears what appears to be a version of scale armor, a leather chest plate with metal plates laced onto it. Scale armor was employed by the Romans, and it was used in Europe by the late 11th century, but I’m not sure there is evidence for its use in between those two periods.
Weath wears a brown gambeson (a padded undercoat), a leather breastplate with a fancy hand-tooled decoration riveted to it, and segmented sleeves, and a gauntlet that might be either wool or chainmail. Leather and fabric survives poorly from the early Middle Ages, but Weath’s gambeson and breastplate are perhaps plausibly 10th century, although the sleeves are probably later than that.
Halga wears a breastplate of some sort (it’s mostly hidden by his cloak), studded leather bracers, and, most prominently, the helmet of a Roman murmillo gladiator, complete with a high crest and a face plate. So his helmet is roughly 700 years too old for this film.
Skeld wears a roughly 13th century iron breastplate, metal spaulders with chainmail attached to them, and leather bracers with iron plates riveted to them. Helfdane is wearing a metal breastplate of slightly more sophisticated type than Skeld’s.
Another character wears a black, ankle-length wool tunic. Over this he seems to be wearing a sleeveless chainmail hauberk and perhaps a chainmail coif with the hood back on his shoulders. Another wears what looks a lot like a conquistador’s helmet and breastplate, from the late 15th or 16th century.
Hrothgar’s son, Wiglaf, playing the role of Beowulf’s Unferth, wears a black tunic with metal studs, over which he wears leather covering his shoulders and collarbones, to which is attacked a sort of chainmail pectoral. As far as I know, this bears no resemblance to anything ever worn anywhere, perhaps as a subtle reminder of how useless this character is. (I couldn’t find a decent still of this character in his armor.)
Mercifully, none of the characters wear this:
Or this:
Mostly the warriors wield swords that look like reasonable approximations of early medieval spathas—thick, straight blade, double-edged but not especially sharp, minimal cross-piece. Ahmed has trouble with his because it is too heavy, and so he uses a whetstone to file it down into a scimitar, which makes about as much sense as using a belt-sander to transform a rifle into a pistol. Like most medieval films, they exaggerate how sharp a spatha was. These were blades made of fairly low-quality iron that could not hold an edge for very long in a fight. Rather than primarily being a cutting weapon, spathas were more tools for bludgeoning an opponent and breaking limbs.
At least two of the warriors use 13th century longbows rather than the short bows that were used in this period. And one of them seems to be using a late medieval poignard. And Herger periodically uses a halberd, a pole-axe from the 14th and 15th centuries.
The shields they use are reasonable facsimiles of early medieval shields—round, with a metal boss in the center and usually some metal reinforcing the wood of the shield.
So What’s the Point of This?
When people watch historical films, they often ask whether the film is historically accurate. But in my view, that’s the wrong question to ask, because there’s no such thing as a truly historically accurate film. I’ll explain what I mean by that in another post. But for this post, let me say that a much better question to ask is why they get certain details right and other details wrong. And The 13th Warrior perfectly illustrates why it’s important to ask that question.
Many of the armor pieces that characters wear are reasonable facsimiles of actual armor that was worn in different periods. Halga’s helmet is a decent reproduction of a murmillo’s helmet. Buliwyf’s armor is modeled on 15th century plate armor. One character is wearing armor that would have been more or less at home in 16th century Spanish America. But none of this belongs on 10th century Norsemen.
This means that the costume designer and the armorer knew enough about historical armor to create reasonable replicas of genuine pieces of armor. And they knew enough to avoid helmets with horns or wings; instead several characters wear helmets actual Norsemen could potentially have worn. So if they knew enough about historical armor to get many of the details right (or at least in the ball park), why didn’t they put the characters in historically accurate Norse armor? Why did they care enough to produce a decent facsimile of a Norse longboat but get the armor wrong?
The answer to that question becomes pretty obvious when you think about the film’s title. The costumer and armorer have to costume 13 characters and get them to stand out as visually distinct on screen. If they had costumed the cast like this:
it would have been very hard for the audience to keep track of who was who, because all the characters would have looked alike. And that would have been an absolute killer for the film’s chance of success.
So instead, the costumer and armorer clearly settled on a strategy to give as many of the warriors as they could distinct visual styles. They cast a range of actors young to old, with a range of hair colors ranging from black to brown to blond to red. They gave two characters distinguishing tattoos. Buliwyf’s silvery armor and light fur cloak make him stand out among a group of characters mostly wearing darker colors. Halga’s absurd helmet makes his character visually unique even if he doesn’t get many lines. Instead of thinking like a historian would, the costume designer was doing his or her job and was thinking about how the costumes would look on screen and how they could help the audience keep track of a large number of characters who would otherwise tend to blur into each other. Although several characters wear helmets, Ahmed does not, because as the main character, the audience needs to be able to see his face and watch his reactions to things. In other words, they made choices that on the surface seem bizarre because they’re making a movie, not writing a historical monograph.
So when you’re watching a historical film, don’t stop with the question, is this film accurate? Ask the far more interesting question, why are they being accurate in some places but not in others? Because when you start digging into this question, you start getting a sense of what was going in the heads of the people who made the film.
Want to Know More?
The 13th Warrior is available in multiple formats through Amazon.
There is a dearth of good works on Norse weapons and tactics that both based in sound scholarship and accessible to the general reader. William Short’s Viking Weapons and Combat Techniquesis probably the best option available.
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There are a lot of people in the HEMA community who would take issue with you about the sharpness and utility of the swords of this period, or any other. And this insistence that they were no better than clubs is refuted by the finding of severe deep wounds on old remains. As early as to 10th century, there is no written documentation for technique, but the system depicted in the Walpurga Codex probably isn’t that far off. Clearly, the earlier swords are made for cutting, but it’s also clear that they could cut.
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I don’t claim to be an expert on medieval swords, but the information I have generally read on Viking Age swords has tended to emphasize that because they were made of poor-grade iron, they tended to dull, bend, chip, and break as fights went on. Thus a sword that started out sharp early in a fight would have a tendency to dull as the fight went on, which would inevitably reduce the weapon’s utility as a cutting tool. I am not claiming they were incapable of cutting, only that the associated combat techniques were not as slash-heavy as people imagine. Hollywood films love showing people getting disemboweled and having body parts struck off while they are standing up, both of which are unlikely to have been very common in Viking Age fights.
Severe deep wounds in skeletal remains would thus be explained as more likely to be wounds earlier sustained earlier in fights. Obviously, to judge from saga accounts, many fights may have been relatively short, fast affairs in which dulling would have been less of an issue.
And I think my central point–that transforming a Viking era sword into a scimitar–a much lighter and differently balanced blade–still stands.
However, as a scholar, I’m always willing to be convinced by new evidence. If you have a link that you think disproves my understanding, I’ll be glad to consider it. Book references are also suitable, but I’m pretty busy right now, and it might just get put on a reading list I won’t get to for a long time.
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Also, I should add that it seems highly unlikely to me that Viking Age fighting looked like the fighting illustrated in the 14th century Walpurga Codex. Between 2-400 years separated the two styles, and that’s a lot of time in which fighting styles could evolve. The shields used in the Walpurga Codex are bucklers, which are drastically different in function from the much larger shields of the Viking Era. William Short’s analysis seems rather convincing to me on this point.
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I would just add that the scimitar was not a lighter weapon compared to Viking era swords; in fact they tend to weigbt about the same (about 2 lbs). And yes swords did break, become blunt and get their edges chipped all the time; but as you pointed out, real life fights too were generally decided very quickly.
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The technological value of a scimitar is that the curved blade concentrates the weight of the sword and the force of the blow along a much smaller part of the blade–the section of the arc that contacts the target–which helps it cut more deeply and with more force. So if a scimitar was lighter, it would be losing some of the value of the design.
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In fact, the average weight of the average sword of almost any type worldwide was between 2.5 – 3 lbs. Which makes sense, because that would be the optimum weight to be effective, and for the average man or woman to handle.
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For more on the Viking shield technique, look up Roland Warcheza, who’s done a lot of research and redevelopment of that. His website is called “Dimicator.” Always hard to make blanket statements about really early stuff. Every swordsmith’s work is going to be different from every other’s. I know there was some pattern-welding done, which would make some swords better than others. You might want to get in touch with Paul Macdonald in Edinburgh. He’s a swordsmith who’s done a lot of restorations for major Scottish collections as well as collections worldwide. He may very well have got some hands-on with Viking swords. How much does the metal lose quality while it’s been in the ground for 500 years? Will this affect modern assessment? I will bring this up with a metallurgical engineer I know.
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Certainly the fact that surviving swords have mostly been buried for a millennium makes a difference. But 13th and 14th century sagas make frequent references to weapons breaking in fights, and there’s one reference to a sword bending so badly the wielder has to stop and unbend the sword mid-fight. So later authors were still dealing with poor-quality weapons several centuries later.
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Wow! If he had to unbend it, it wasn’t properly made in the first place. If it’s that soft, it wasn’t properly heat-treated.
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Quite possibly. But the author considered it something the audience would consider plausible and not so odd that it required comment or explanation. That says a lot about the quality of smithing Norse people were used to, at least in Iceland.
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You won’t get a lot of repeat business that way!
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The Norse saw smithing as somewhat mysterious. Their mythological smith Weland was something of a magician. And Ulfberht made swords so good that other smiths started forging his “signature” on swords to make them more appealing to buyers.
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This sounds a bit familiar: the Master keeps his secrets, to be passed on only to the initiates who cough up a healthy sum to learn the mysteries. As for the signature, there was a big trade in nonproprietary blades marked with the Running Wolf of the Passau bladesmiths. Like an Armani knockoff or one of those fancy wrist watches.
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were more tools for bludgeoning an opponent and breaking limbs.
This is quite a leap, you’re making. It seems that others have has some issue with this as well
If swords were poor weapons that did not do the job they were intended to do effectively they would not have been used or high status weapons. and people would have stuck to using spears and axes. The evidence we have from the examination from surviving examples shows they had an understanding of the metals they were using and how to optimise them. Given the shield was the binding and defensive tool in combat the nicks and damage to the blade while possible were unlikely, and such notions come from the notion that combat was unkilled bludgeoning and clashing of blades. which as anachronistic as the clothing in the film
We all sword brilliant weapons no, but more often than not, they were good enough to do the job.
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I think I may need to add a little more to this post to explain my thoughts on the swords.
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Maybe… look at some of the other sources, Ewart Oakeshotts works are a great starting place with arms and armour.
Rolands Work has already been pointed to
We need to be very careful when looking at the past, not least when we are using received wisdom, especially when writers who do not have a specific understanding of the information thy are discussing.
The manufacture of arms and armour was sophisticated, as were the methods of their use.
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Now you’re getting into some deep snark-infested waters. All the extant original manuals on swordplay show that it was very different from the Hollywood bish-bash-bosh and even among the Vikings was probably far more subtle than assumed. For more information, go to the HEMA Alliance website or FB page. Believe me, when it comes to weaponry and technique, swordsmen and women can be as snarky as costume fans. What drives me crazy is seeing the nicks in the blades of prop swords. Why the hell the armourer didn’t file those down between uses is beyond me. An accidental cut from one of those things would be really nasty and jagged.
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My one major issue with using the manuals with reconstructions of Norse swordplay is the 3-400 year gap between the Viking era and the period of the manuals, a period in which a lot of the details about sword-ffighting changed. But we are agreed that Hollywood is essentially wrong in much of its depiction of sword-ffighting (although there are one or two ffights in The Vikings series that actually look a bit like what I could as actual Norse combat.
(and for some reason, my computer is doubling the f in ‘ffighting’ for no reason I can see.)
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There are some people trying to work around that issue. Ultimately, the weapon is the technique. I know that there are some fairly decent videos on YouTube from someone who is working hard to sort it all out.
Your computer is going Gaelic, where the double f is interpreted as a capitol.
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There Red a nunderlying combative principles which while kot universally applied are fond across time periods and styles. Using these and weapons and then using related other sores we can come to a workable solutions. The tools may change may change but the objective and best practice remains fairly consistent.
The are paintings on walls of Egyptian tombs showing wrestling techniques. We can see them across cultures and time between then and now. So while the weapons may change the ways the body can move them are limited.
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